"We Shall Continue" A brief history of Abdulkarim al Khaiwani, the epitome of courage

‏23 مارس، 2015‏، الساعة ‏10:40 مساءً‏

“But the whole thing was turned into the question of WHO rules, rather than, HOW he rules...”

The funeral for Abdelkarim al Khaiwani is tomorrow. Today March 23 2015 is the ten year anniversary of the date that Abdelkarim al Khaiwani pushed the margin of freedom in Yemen for all journalists, all citizens and future generations. It was on this date in 2005 that al Khaiwani was released from jail after being imprisoned for insulting president Saleh.  He was released without apologizing or agreeing to withhold his thoughts and writings.  Al Khaiwani attracted substantial domestic and international support for his principled stand for his right to express an opinion.  But it was his own commitment to a better future that was his strength and his belief in every person’s ability to impact the world that gave him courage.  He had won a battle. And then he kept going. In ten years, he changed the world.

My friend Abdelkarim’s bravery, dedication and certitude brought the true Yemen into the light of the world  and out from behind the curtain of propaganda that had hidden Yemen so effectively for so many years.  Citizens have the right to see each other and their government, and a diverse and free press is how a nations sees and how a democratic nation holds its leaders to account.  This history of this remarkable man Abdulkarim al Khaiwani  may help explain why I so deeply respected him and valued our friendship from the first day I heard his name and beyond his last day on earth and why the nation of Yemen mourns so deeply his cowardly and cruel assassination. He was our hero. He made us believe in ourselves. He helped us see a future of equality and functional institutions and the routine transfer of executive power.  He also showed us that we can bear the price of freedom, a price that must be paid. 

It was September 2004  when Karim was sentenced to a year at hard labor after writing a series of articles about governmental corruption in the paper al Shoura. He was also convicted of insulting the president, Ali Abduallah Saleh. The paper, the outlet for the liberal Popular Forces Union, was popular for its hard hitting articles, and was prohibited from publishing. 

Karim had crossed the red line. The line was understood by all in and out of the Yemeni media – if you say too much, too detailed and show the crimes of those in real power-- they will hurt you, your family, your reputation and take your liberty and possibly take your life.  These were real threats that came in many ways- anonymous phone calls, visits from the security, being followed, slandered, kidnapped, arrested and beaten. State impunity in a dictatorship is a given. Few had crossed the red line anywhere in the Middle East. And none would cross it so boldly and unabashedly as Abdulkarim al Khaiwani.

The current generation of activists, journalists and engaged citizens, with their thousands of twitter accounts, websites and facebook groups may not remember the stark and frightening media landscape in 2004 when the printing press was the most important ingredient in the recipe for democracy. The feisty Yemen media traded accusations and printed opposition statements, but rarely carried out in the depth investigative journalism that al Khaiwani pioneered, that named the names of high corrupt officials or even used the words corruption, bribery and nepotism.  This generation, post-revolution Yemen, is quick to stand in the street to denounce infringements on their rights, to protest for their demands- and to believe the government should comply. Many don’t realize they are standing in Karim’s shadow.  Their fathers and mothers bear the scars of the days and years when the concept of freedom of the press was subversive and unspoken, when the government officials never believed themselves required to bend to the will of the people, when the cult of personality and the culture of fear was enough.

But not for Karim. He believed in his rights even if the government did not, and he never wavered in that belief. He kept writing his truths despite death threats. After he was imprisoned, he made a point to try to smile in photos behind bars. He refused to buy his freedom with an apology because he had nothing to apologize for.  There was nothing personal in criticizing a dysfunctional regime, he insisted. The horror and danger of his position became clear when he was beaten badly in jail by another inmate, on the order of officials.  He was only saved, unconscious, when another prisoner intervened. His case galvanized the nation.

As one editorial implored in November 2004, “If it is inhuman to treat a criminal who committed murder in such a way, treating a writer in such a manner is even graver and more outrageous! This is why I call upon every person with influence to act along with us to save the life of Al-Khaiwani and his career.”

Al Khaiwani explained to me the importance to retaining and enhancing what sliver of press freedom Yemen still enjoyed, in a letter from Sanaa jail in 2005: 

 “Ms. Jane,

Since fifteen years, we have experienced democracy and multi-party system as well as breathed the fresh air of freedom, all which are the achievements of Yemen Unification. Soon later, a regression occurred in this experience after the summer of 1994 civil war. These achievements were emptied from their core cause leaving a margin of press freedom through which we battled to defend democracy, freedom, human rights, equal citizenship, and independent judiciary system, all being conditions for a better future and means to combat corruption and absence of law.

The state is based on force, power, and oppression, neglecting concepts of separation of powers. The head of the judiciary system is the president of the republic. Here I am, in a battle which can least be described as unfair. My crime is public humiliation of the president. My rival has all powers in his hand. I was deprived even from my right to self-defense. You can imagine how I was handled by prison and police officers.

Furthermore, solidarity with my issue was prohibited and people in solidarity were punished and even terrorized to visit me in prison or declare their solidarity. In addition, the journalists’ syndicate is falling under tremendous pressures. I believe in democracy, freedom, equality and rights and am willing to sacrifice for their sake simply because I do not wish my children to suffer dictatorship and I will strive to provide them with a better future.

Dear Madam,

Leaders in our region transform into Gods. They even become to believe in their fake holiness which we aim to shatter so that they know they are humans just like us. Democracy and freedom are not granted by a leader or a regime, it is a world-wide human achievement of all the free people on earth.

According to the official interpretation of what is considered criticism of the president – based on this fake holiness- my criticism of the president is a crime that can cost me my life , not necessarily through Justice, but probably in prison by a murder convict. This could be attempted again inside or outside prison at any time. Nevertheless, I am not occupied by this matter, but more occupied with deep-rooting the concept of freedom.”

The political climate was so hostile that on March 15 2004, al Khaiwani’s lawyers, friends and fellow journalists were beaten by guards- in court – during one of his court hearings.  

On March 23, 2005, after substantial local and international pressure, Abdulkarim al Khaiwani was finally released from prison. Al Shura began to publish again. The headlines of the April 23, 2005 edition included:

- Hunting down war continues in Saada

- Leadership from JMP: Threats of dissolving the parties of al-Itihad and al-Haq, a coup against democracy and constitution

- Seizure of peasant lands in Abyan

Keep in mind that hidden behind the red line was the Saada war including broad and systematic violations against civilians that are now well documented. The red lines also hid the continuous violations in south Yemen. On May 12 2005 al Khaiwani published an oped that read, “All justifications were used in the war of 1994, even the religious was employed, but the utmost justification for it was in fact that for power. This officially oriented hallucination is unconvincing.” And just like a child’s fairy tale, Saleh’s illusion of democracy and the pretense of justice evaporated to reveal humanitarian tragedy from border to border while the corrupt mafia were busy stuffing their pockets. The Saleh regime brought all the tools of the state to bear down on al Khaiwani, al Shoura and the PFU.

Personal slander and financial threats to the party weren’t enough; on May 17, 2005 the PFU’s  headquarters were trashed and al Shoura’s computers stolen. On July 11 2005, the PFU building (and thus the party) was taken over by its guards. Then the clone party began to issue a clone al Shoura newspaper that was favorable to the regime. The clone Al Shoura newspaper was printed on the al Thorah government printing press.

Putting aside all current considerations entirely, there is no dispute that a decade ago the Saleh regime launched a campaign of mass arrests, collective punishment including withholding food and medicine and random bombing of villages in Saada that was largely invisible but for Karim and a few other courageous souls.

On June 22 2005, Al Khaiwani published a list of children arrested or held as hostages by the regime in Saada prisons, 

Aref Mosa XXXX  9 years old wounded;

Yahya Abdulla XXXX 11 years old wounded in his head severely, some parts of his brain went out by heavy machine gun;

Mohammed Ahmed XXXX 10 years wounded;

Ahmed Abdul Rahman al XXXX 11 years wounded by many bullets;

Bader Aldeen Abdulah XXXX 12 years very ill, Adel Mohammed al XXXX 12 years old

Hussain Mohammed XXXX, tortured and beating in his feet until losing consciousness. This happen a day ago.

Yemenis and the world began to question what was propaganda and what was the reality in Saada and even in Sanaa.

When he lost the paper, Karim started the al Shoura website which was an innovative concept in Yemen at the time. When the site was blocked during the 2006 presidential election, he opened a new website.

Throughout the months, scores more journalists were attacked and kidnapped, beaten and even threatened with beheading, for their investigative reports. In one case in August, for an article detailing corruption on the granting of college scholarships prompted a kidnapping. Karim stood at every opportunity through the years for a variety of causes including the most powerless and voiceless.

In November 2006 Abdulkarim al-Khaiwani, was prohibited from traveling to Morocco for a human rights conference sponsored by the Red Cross.  The National Security Organization, headed by President Saleh’s nephew, had recently taken control of security at the airports.

In December 2006, Al Khaiwani and other journalists wrote the UN, “The State hunts us, abuses our rights and restrict our freedom of expressions,” they said in their letter. “We were subjected to abduction, forcible disappearance and illegal and unconstitutional arrests. We are deprived of our livelihood sources because we criticize corruption and the military regime that has been grasping power for 28 years.”

In February 2007, al Khaiwani was forcibly brought to court on a liable case. Al-Khaiwani who would have come willingly said, “I wished the court showed a similar zest in doing justice to Ra’ash villagers.”

Al Shoura continued to tackle a variety of hot topics, including Saleh regime’s pattern of sending al Qaeda jihaddists to fight in Saada, a pattern now well documented but which was at the time a shocking revelation.

When on February 24, al Shoura.net was blocked by the authorities again, Al Khaiwani explained that the targeting came because of broaching taboo topics, the most prominent being the “hereditary rule” in the country, oil corruption and government officials mingling their official positions with businesses ventures.

But by this point, international activists and journalists organizations had come to understand  Yemen through the prism of al Khawani. Reporters Without Borders (RSF) “ voiced concern about growing political censorship of the Internet in Yemen after the authorities blocked access to the opposition website http://www.al-shora.net on 24 February 2007. The site regularly carries articles about corruption, human rights and the need for political and cultural reforms.”  IFEX also issued a statement about online censorship in Yemen “to prevent opposition political currents from disseminating their ideas.”  On March 2, 2007, director of The Committee to Protect Journalists  Joel Simon noted, “(Al Shoura website)  popularity skyrocketed due to its outspoken opinion articles and investigative reports unveiling corruption at very high levels in the regime, involving both current and previous officials. Some of al Khaiwani’s most famous articles include, “The anniversary of the throne” and “Ali Katyusha.”

Then on June 20, 2007 the police in plain clothes raided Abdulkarim al-khaiwani’s home in the middle of the night, beat him in front of his family, slapped his 7 year old daughter, arrested him and brought him bruised and bleeding to prison. In a later interview with Hub, Abdulkarim al-Khaiwani’s little daughter said the thugs were pounding her dad’s head into the street and he motioned to her to go back inside the house.

Scores of Yemeni journalist sat-in before the Penal Court, protesting al-Khaiwani’s arrest.

That day, the PFU discharged al Khaiwani as editor of Al-Shoura.net bowing to intense regime pressure on the party, which failed to issue any statement regarding the sacking of  its long time editor.

While in custody, al Khaiwani said was questioned about an unpublished article titled, “The goat that became a pharaoh,” which he had discussed with a colleague on the phone.  The Interior Ministry prevented any visits from family, colleagues or his lawyer. On June 26 the initial detention was extended to a month adding to the scores of improprieties associated with al Khaiwani’s retaliatory arrest, brutal detention and bogus trial.

Evidence brought against him was normal journalistic material including notes and photos relating to the Saada War.  However the motives were clear. Al Khaiwani said that security forces told a member of his family during the arrest, “’He didn’t respect the president’s pardon.”  Shockingly Abdulkarim al Khaiwani was charged with terrorism, and his case tacked onto to an upcoming trial which including plotting to poison drinking wells. The charges carried a potential death penalty.

The observers inside and outside Yemen immediately howled foul and knew exactly what the charges were- politically motivated retribution from a psychotic dictator for articles that exposed the mass failings of a corrupted and dysfunctional regime.  Scores of organizations, governments and individuals issued protests, appeals and letters to the Saleh regime on Karim’s behalf.

On July 16, 2007 al Khaiwani’s lawyer resigned from the case in an eloquent letter explaining, “It has been proved that the function of this court is to convict people and then others will grant pardon and forgiveness!  Your release does not need a defense memo or a lawyer request, but needs a moment of euphoria by the one who gave the directions to arrest you…”

The already popular al Shoura became a household name in Yemen due to the publicity, backlash and controversy surrounding al Khaiwani’s case.  Globally al Khaiwani was a symbol of both repression and hope.

The trial began July 4, 2007.  On July 18, men with sticks descended on protesters outside and beat them.  To their credit, the protesters mostly stayed. On July 29, al Khaiwani was granted bail for medical reasons and was greeted with warm applause arriving at the protest site.

“This place is real proof that we are, despite of the frustrating environment, are walking toward the real democracy,” al-Khaiwani said. “The peaceful struggle is the only way to achieve this.” The site would later become the birthplace of the 2011 Yemeni revolution.

The next month, on August 27, 2007 al Khaiwani was kidnapped off the street, blindfolded, and severely beaten. He recognized one of the kidnappers as a security officer present at his June arrest.  From his hospital bed, al-Khaiwani said that his kidnappers discussed whether to cut off his fingers with shears or just break them. After a phone call to their boss, they opted for the latter and tried to break his fingers.

They specifically mentioned an article published on August 16 titled “What’s Before the State: A Homeland Behind Bars.”  In the article, al-Khaiwani described some of the atrocities endured by prisoners and the conditions in the country’s jails. The men also took his passport, identity card and cell phone.

The gunmen threatened to kill al-Khaiwani and his family if he wrote another word that harmed Yemen’s then President Ali Abdullah Saleh. Two days later al Khaiwani held a press conference to describe his ordeal and stated, “I personally hold the president Ali Abdullah Saleh responsible for my life as well as the life of my family.”

Al-Khaiwani asked the Interior Ministry to complete their investigations into the incident and bring the perpetrators to justice. “If the Interior Minister will not bring the kidnappers to justice, I ask him only to give me back my mobile phone that the kidnappers stole.”

On September 1, the state responded that the kidnapping was a “fabricated ploy” implying that Al Khaiwani beat himself bloody to embarrass the authorities.

The US State Department condemned the attack and called for an investigation, saying, “The recent abduction of independent Yemeni journalist Abdulkarim Al-Khaiwani points to a disturbing trend of intimidation and harassment of Yemen’s journalist community. “

On October 20, 2007 Ali Saleh stuck a deal with al Qaeda operative Jamal al Badawi that granted him house arrest, despite his conviction in the al Qaeda terror attack on the USS Cole which carried a ten year sentence. With al-Badawi freed, al-Khaiwani appeared before the Special Security Court, on trial for his life. The US suspended Yemen’s qualification to participate in its Millennium Challenge Threshold fund, designed to encourage respect for fundamental rights.  Dozens of other international organizations kept up the pressure on the regime to drop the politicized charges which now included “publishing information liable to undermine army morale” under article 126 of the criminal code, for which the maximum penalty is death.

In Article 19’s report on Yemen, “Freedom of Expression in Peril”, Al-Khaiwani is quoted saying, “They mobilize religion, laws and even the tribe against us. We, on the other hand, only own our dreams. They even want to rob us of this.” But no one was ever able to rob al Khaiwani’s dreams.

On January 13, 2008, “Al-Qaeda in Yemen” released its first magazine, “The Echoes of Epics”. The magazine was released to various jihaddi forums by the al-Fajr Media Center, the official online network responsible for disseminating messages from various al-Qaeda factions including Usama bin Laden and “The Islamic State of Iraq.” Those jihaddi forums and their terrorist propaganda are still accessible on the internet inside Yemen.

What was not accessible to the Yemeni public is a wide variety of Yemeni news and opinion sites. These sites were blocked at the outbreak of the northern Sa’ada War in January 2007, unblocked after several months, re-blocked in July with the growing civil unrest in Southern Yemen. They were blocked again when Yemen released convicted USS Cole bomber, Jamal al-Badawi, in October. With increasing civil unrest in South Yemen and the resumption of the northern Sa’ada War, many news sites were blocked yet again in January 2008.

Through it all Karim endured and urged “all who have concerns about freedom of opinion to not abandon their legal struggle to get more freedom and break through all restrictions the authorities want to impose on press.”

On April 22 a journalist was jailed (and later tried) for laughing in court at the absurdity of al Khaiwani’s trial.

By the end of April the trial had concluded. Articles, statements and letters of support flooded Yemen including this one on May 5 from former editor, Khaled Salman who sought asylum abroad after 18 court cases:

“Through his courageous articles Alkhaiwani has broken the barriers and got rid of fears of a generation of journalists and political elites. He has had the honor to lead in challenging the Yemeni tyrannical authority’s prohibitions, which are against freedom of opinion and civil rights. He wrote without interruption against corruption, which is overlapped with the governance’s policies and rulers’ exercises. He has stood against power abuse, looting of public money by influential bodies, the internal wars and against inheriting the power to the President’s son.”

Yemeni activists and human rights groups were joined by messages of support from well over 1500 persons, groups and officials abroad who sent letters to Yemen on al-Khaiwani’s behalf.  The campaign garnered regular publicity from major news organizations in North America, South America and Europe.

On May 21 2008, al Khaiwani responded to his supporters and reminded the world about the hypocrisy of the Yemen regime:

“I do not want to talk about myself, but rather the environment that we live in and suffering we endure from the inconsistency between what the authorities announce about democracy and freedoms, and what happens when we believe in those same things, democracy and freedoms…. They deal with us as outlaws. They use all of the state’s resources to attack anyone who has any opinions not corresponding with their opinions, and to attack those who even discuss their way of ruling.

What I am suffering and facing is part of the price I and many others pay for the democracy and freedom we hope to achieve in the future. At least we are preparing for a healthy environment that we want the next generation to live in. We believe that democracy and freedom have an expensive price, and this is a part of that price.

However that doesn’t mean we will keep silent and bend, as it is the price. We will refuse injustice peacefully. Solidarity is a way to enhance new civil values which support the democracy we will make with our sacrifice and with the support of others. We pay the price of the freedom for ourselves and for the generations after us. Again, thank you very much for your help and support.”

At the same time, the streets in Yemen were papered with posters of al Khaiwani and hundreds rallied in Sanaa for this Yemeni editor facing the death penalty for writing opinions and truths.

On Monday June 9 2008, al Khaiwani was sentenced to 6 years hard labor.

Speaking to Amnesty International after the sentence, al-Khaiwani said, “I definitely don’t want to go to prison again just for doing my job as a journalist, but at the same time I’m not prepared to censor myself for an easy life.”

A flood of statements condemned the verdict and called for al Khaiwani’s release. “From the outset, this case has been about settling scores with a journalist because of his political news coverage,” said CPJ Mideast Program Coordinator Joel Campagna. “We hope that the appellate court will overturn this judgment, which makes a mockery of Yemen’s professed support for democracy and freedom of the press.”

On June 17, 2008 al Khaiwani won Amnesty International Special Human Rights Media Award, in his jail cell.  His acceptance was delivered by a spokesman,

“The freedom of the press has faced an increasingly deteriorating situation recently, because of the authorities’ insistence on keeping national and international public opinion in the dark about serious crises, like the war that broke out four years ago in Sa’da, (north of Yemen) and the resulting tragic humanitarian situation, the citizens’ peaceful protests in the southern and eastern governorates against marginalization (exclusion) and denial of political, civil and economic rights.

The independent and opposition press, one of the most important instruments of peaceful change and democratic reform, is operating in a tough and precarious environment, especially in the absence of independent judiciary, disrespect for the rule of law, widespread institutional corruption and the government’s monopoly over broadcast media. The authorities have developed repressive methods against journalists, those who hold anti-government views and human rights activists. These methods range from prison, torture, death threats to the use of subservient newspapers that are supported by public funds to discredit human rights defenders and government’s opponents, especially independent women journalists and human rights activists.

Those who believe in liberty, justice, equality and democracy realize that the embodiment of such human values requires sacrifice, patience and hope, as well as a belief that they are not alone in this confrontation. This award is strong evidence to this effect.

Repeating my pride in this award with its noble humanitarian and human rights significance, I would like to assure you in this regard that I consider it an honor well deserved by everyone who stood by my side against repression, intimidation and the culture of hatred and intolerance, namely my dear and persevering wife and beloved children.”

On July 2, 2008 The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) and Arab journalists meeting in Bahrain announced the formation of another global campaign for Yemeni journalist Abdulkarim Al Khaiwani.

Even in what must have been an exceedingly dark time after the verdict, al Khaiwani managed to retain his hope and belief that his sacrifice would indeed bring about a better world and more functional government to Yemen. Many of these concepts were illuminated in an interview with al Arab:

AL-ARAB: How does your 2004 prison experience compare to 2008? Any differences?

ABDULKARIM AL-KHAIWANI: The prison does not differ much. It is harsher now, not because of the abuse I suffer as a result of the diabetes, but because everything in the country has deteriorated. Why should prison be any better? It has been deteriorating as well, and the rule of law that is missing on the outside is missing even more inside the prison.

I will pay for what I am saying when [this] is published. This last experience has been much worse; it is an intentionally slow murder process.

AL-ARAB: When you were editor-in-chief of Al-Shoura newspaper you published reports that some thought were risky and dangerous, like talking about inheriting power in Yemen. What were the actual results of publishing them?

ABDULKARIM AL-KHAIWANI: Issues of power succession, corruption, oil, rights violations, the war in Sa’da… these were all issues being discussed within the larger issue of how does the ruler rule. We wanted to diagnose the disruptions, as an introduction to demanding reforms, and showing their necessity.

But the whole thing was turned into the question of WHO rules, rather than, HOW he rules, and it was perceived as a personal issue. I’m in prison for the third time because of this now.

Now the law is being tampered with in order to protect and make holy all officials, as if they make no mistakes, placing them above all accountability. Criticizing a public servant for his performance is punishable by 15 years in prison.

In the past, we were somewhat allowed to discuss corruption without naming the corrupt, and when the media started pointing out the corrupt, they started a discussion in the parliament to place officials beyond questioning and accountability, and punishment also.

AL-ARAB: Let’s suppose your children, Ayat, Majd Eddine, and Mohammad, appear suddenly in front of you, visiting you in jail, what would you say to them, from behind the bars?

ABDULKARIM AL-KHAIWANI: I don’t like my children to see me behind bars, for the sake of their well-being. Still, sometimes I am forced to see them. I have tried, as part of a preparation process, to teach them these lines by a Palestinian poet:

If prison cells were strictly for thieves,

the cells would have long self-destructed.

But they retains a hope of one day receiving a free man,

so that with honor it would be filled.

AL-ARAB: Any last words?

ABDULKARIM AL-KHAIWANI: How ugly life can be when the adversary and the judge are the same person, and how ugly the homeland becomes when rulers hold a grudge in the Arab world. How ugly deception, lies, impotence, failure and hypocrisy are when they become the size of a state.

Injustice could last for a while, but it will end sometime, and if we do not sacrifice, then we are hypocrites. Change requires sacrifice!

Let us teach people sacrifice, if we find no other way to express ourselves, and let our death be a mark of shame in the life of the oppressors, as our lives were thorns in the eyes of darkness.”

On September 14 2008, the President of the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) Jim Boumelha was denied an entry visa to visit Yemen. He had been planning the present the Amnesty International Award to al Khaiwani.

On September 25, 2008 President Saleh pardoned Abdulkarim al Khaiwani who returned home to his family.  Authorities did not ask for a written pledge but asked him to commit to law and constitution. “I have assured them that I was always committed to law and constitution”, said al-Khaiwani.

After leaving prison, al-Khaiwani said his release was “a victory for all Yemeni journalist and civil society organizations and human rights advocates.”

As always, Al-Khaiwani expressed his deep gratitude to his colleagues, journalists and rights activists. “I am proud to belong to journalists who can defend democracy. We are responsible for securing a better future for our children. I am just a man who sticks to his views and believes in power of his words and nonviolent actions.”

He vowed to keep writing and said, “The days I spent in jail encouraged me to continue my human rights activities, as well as to write about discrepancies and violations practiced by the judicial system.”

The journalist continued, “In general, the status of press freedoms in Yemen has deteriorated. Yemen has proven to be an unsafe environment for a media career, but journalism remains the most effective tool to help Yemen develop. Therefore, we expend serious efforts to update and develop the media status in Yemen.”

Activist Nasser Weddaddy asked the question on everyone’s mind: What are you fighting for? Why don’t you give up?

“By submitting to corruption, you may be guaranteed to live longer – but this will be a useless and meaningless life. We are responsible for securing a better future for our children. I am just a man who sticks to his views and believes in power of his words and nonviolent actions. Fighting against tyranny and corruption – and securing peaceful transitions of political power – are at the top of the challenges facing in the region. These problems are the result of social stagnation, ignoring human rights, and suppressing civil freedoms.”

Later in December 2008, al Khaiwani reiterated his determination that battling government repression is a sacrifice that journalists have to make for freedom. “Yes, the price is high… but it is not too high for a person who believes in change and equality… There is no value for life without sacrifice.”

In January 2009, the Supreme Security Court upheld the guilty verdicts against all the defendants in the trial, including al Khaiwani who was convicted of undermining the morale of the military and had served eight months of the  six year term before he was pardoned. 

On March 15th, President Saleh reaffirmed his pardon or perhaps pardoned him again.

On March 18th, IFJ President, Jim Boumelha, was finally able to visit Yemen Abdul Karim Al Khaiwani with Amnesty International’s Special Award for Human Rights Journalism under Threat. In delivering the award during the 4th congress of the Yemeni Journalists Syndicate in Sana’a, Mr. Boumelha praised the bravery and resilience that Al Khaiwani has shown during his long ordeal.

“Abdul Karim is a very special journalist.” He said. “He is one of those rare breeds of journalists, some of the bravest and the most determined – those who are prepared to sacrifice their personal and professional lives for the public good and to put their future and even the future of their families and children at risk in order to ensure that our profession remains one of the strongest backbones of our democracies.”

At the Oslo Freedom Forum in May 2010, al Khaiwani closed his remarks by saying, “I have made it a tradition to write an article entitled ‘We Shall Continue’ every time I leave prison. And I say to you now, ‘We shall continue.’”

On 19 November 2013, Ala’a Al- Khaiwani, Karim’s daughter was run over by a motorcycle while at University and seriously injured.

The suspicious accident came at a time when her father Abdulkarim Al-Khaiwani was still receiving phone threats from local and international numbers. The Gulf Centre for Human Rights (GCHR) said it believed the on-going threats received by Abdulkarim Al- Khaiwani and the targeting of his daughter are related to his legitimate and peaceful work in the field of journalism and human rights in Yemen, and in particular his work against corruption and the documentation of gross violations of human rights.

Active during the 2011-2012 Yemeni revolution, Abdulkarim al Khaiwani later served as one of 35 delegates for the Houthi movement to the National Dialog Conference that was held March 18, 2013 to January 24, 2014. Although acting in a representative capacity, Abdelkarim was personally among the liberal and civil minded delegates. He served on the transitional justice committee.

There were disagreements with some colleagues on the best political course following the Houthis dissolution of Parliament, but as al Khaiwani once said, “Having different opinions does not mean personal hate, even if opinion means criticism of some practices, and we have to be clear about these differences.”

Khaiwani supported the al Houthi constitutional declaration and delivered the nationally televised opening statement on February 6 2015.

Abdulkarim al Khaiwani was slain on March 18, 2011, the fourth Anniversary of the massacre on the Friday of Dignity. He was shot several times by men on a motorcycle while buying ice cream near his home with one of his children. The senseless murder thoroughly shocked and saddened the nation and a good portion of the world. The next day, al Qaeda announced its operatives had perpetrated the murder, labeling him a Houthi politician.

But those who knew him and knew of him, knew that al Khaiwani was so much more and that he had already changed the world.