"We
Shall Continue" A brief history of Abdulkarim al Khaiwani, the epitome of
courage
23 مارس، 2015،
الساعة 10:40 مساءً
“But
the whole thing was turned into the question of WHO rules, rather than, HOW he
rules...”
The funeral
for Abdelkarim al Khaiwani is tomorrow. Today March 23 2015 is the ten year
anniversary of the date that Abdelkarim al Khaiwani pushed the margin of
freedom in Yemen for all journalists, all citizens and future generations. It
was on this date in 2005 that al Khaiwani was released from jail after being
imprisoned for insulting president Saleh.
He was released without apologizing or agreeing to withhold his thoughts
and writings. Al Khaiwani attracted
substantial domestic and international support for his principled stand for his
right to express an opinion. But it was
his own commitment to a better future that was his strength and his belief in
every person’s ability to impact the world that gave him courage. He had won a battle. And then he kept going.
In ten years, he changed the world.
My friend
Abdelkarim’s bravery, dedication and certitude brought the true Yemen into the
light of the world and out from behind
the curtain of propaganda that had hidden Yemen so effectively for so many
years. Citizens have the right to see
each other and their government, and a diverse and free press is how a nations
sees and how a democratic nation holds its leaders to account. This history of this remarkable man
Abdulkarim al Khaiwani may help explain
why I so deeply respected him and valued our friendship from the first day I
heard his name and beyond his last day on earth and why the nation of Yemen
mourns so deeply his cowardly and cruel assassination. He was our hero. He made
us believe in ourselves. He helped us see a future of equality and functional
institutions and the routine transfer of executive power. He also showed us that we can bear the price
of freedom, a price that must be paid.
It was
September 2004 when Karim was sentenced
to a year at hard labor after writing a series of articles about governmental
corruption in the paper al Shoura. He was also convicted of insulting the
president, Ali Abduallah Saleh. The paper, the outlet for the liberal Popular
Forces Union, was popular for its hard hitting articles, and was prohibited
from publishing.
Karim had
crossed the red line. The line was understood by all in and out of the Yemeni
media – if you say too much, too detailed and show the crimes of those in real
power-- they will hurt you, your family, your reputation and take your liberty
and possibly take your life. These were
real threats that came in many ways- anonymous phone calls, visits from the
security, being followed, slandered, kidnapped, arrested and beaten. State
impunity in a dictatorship is a given. Few had crossed the red line anywhere in
the Middle East. And none would cross it so boldly and unabashedly as
Abdulkarim al Khaiwani.
The current
generation of activists, journalists and engaged citizens, with their thousands
of twitter accounts, websites and facebook groups may not remember the stark
and frightening media landscape in 2004 when the printing press was the most
important ingredient in the recipe for democracy. The feisty Yemen media traded
accusations and printed opposition statements, but rarely carried out in the
depth investigative journalism that al Khaiwani pioneered, that named the names
of high corrupt officials or even used the words corruption, bribery and
nepotism. This generation,
post-revolution Yemen, is quick to stand in the street to denounce
infringements on their rights, to protest for their demands- and to believe the
government should comply. Many don’t realize they are standing in Karim’s
shadow. Their fathers and mothers bear
the scars of the days and years when the concept of freedom of the press was
subversive and unspoken, when the government officials never believed
themselves required to bend to the will of the people, when the cult of
personality and the culture of fear was enough.
But not for
Karim. He believed in his rights even if the government did not, and he never
wavered in that belief. He kept writing his truths despite death threats. After
he was imprisoned, he made a point to try to smile in photos behind bars. He
refused to buy his freedom with an apology because he had nothing to apologize
for. There was nothing personal in
criticizing a dysfunctional regime, he insisted. The horror and danger of his
position became clear when he was beaten badly in jail by another inmate, on
the order of officials. He was only
saved, unconscious, when another prisoner intervened. His case galvanized the
nation.
As one
editorial implored in November 2004, “If it is inhuman to treat a criminal who
committed murder in such a way, treating a writer in such a manner is even
graver and more outrageous! This is why I call upon every person with influence
to act along with us to save the life of Al-Khaiwani and his career.”
Al Khaiwani
explained to me the importance to retaining and enhancing what sliver of press
freedom Yemen still enjoyed, in a letter from Sanaa jail in 2005:
“Ms. Jane,
Since
fifteen years, we have experienced democracy and multi-party system as well as
breathed the fresh air of freedom, all which are the achievements of Yemen
Unification. Soon later, a regression occurred in this experience after the
summer of 1994 civil war. These achievements were emptied from their core cause
leaving a margin of press freedom through which we battled to defend democracy,
freedom, human rights, equal citizenship, and independent judiciary system, all
being conditions for a better future and means to combat corruption and absence
of law.
The state is
based on force, power, and oppression, neglecting concepts of separation of
powers. The head of the judiciary system is the president of the republic. Here
I am, in a battle which can least be described as unfair. My crime is public
humiliation of the president. My rival has all powers in his hand. I was
deprived even from my right to self-defense. You can imagine how I was handled
by prison and police officers.
Furthermore,
solidarity with my issue was prohibited and people in solidarity were punished
and even terrorized to visit me in prison or declare their solidarity. In
addition, the journalists’ syndicate is falling under tremendous pressures. I
believe in democracy, freedom, equality and rights and am willing to sacrifice
for their sake simply because I do not wish my children to suffer dictatorship
and I will strive to provide them with a better future.
Dear Madam,
Leaders in
our region transform into Gods. They even become to believe in their fake
holiness which we aim to shatter so that they know they are humans just like
us. Democracy and freedom are not granted by a leader or a regime, it is a
world-wide human achievement of all the free people on earth.
According to
the official interpretation of what is considered criticism of the president –
based on this fake holiness- my criticism of the president is a crime that can
cost me my life , not necessarily through Justice, but probably in prison by a
murder convict. This could be attempted again inside or outside prison at any
time. Nevertheless, I am not occupied by this matter, but more occupied with
deep-rooting the concept of freedom.”
The
political climate was so hostile that on March 15 2004, al Khaiwani’s lawyers,
friends and fellow journalists were beaten by guards- in court – during one of
his court hearings.
On March 23,
2005, after substantial local and international pressure, Abdulkarim al
Khaiwani was finally released from prison. Al Shura began to publish again. The
headlines of the April 23, 2005 edition included:
- Hunting
down war continues in Saada
- Leadership
from JMP: Threats of dissolving the parties of al-Itihad and al-Haq, a coup
against democracy and constitution
- Seizure of
peasant lands in Abyan
Keep in mind
that hidden behind the red line was the Saada war including broad and
systematic violations against civilians that are now well documented. The red
lines also hid the continuous violations in south Yemen. On May 12 2005 al
Khaiwani published an oped that read, “All justifications were used in the war
of 1994, even the religious was employed, but the utmost justification for it
was in fact that for power. This officially oriented hallucination is
unconvincing.” And just like a child’s fairy tale, Saleh’s illusion of
democracy and the pretense of justice evaporated to reveal humanitarian tragedy
from border to border while the corrupt mafia were busy stuffing their pockets.
The Saleh regime brought all the tools of the state to bear down on al
Khaiwani, al Shoura and the PFU.
Personal
slander and financial threats to the party weren’t enough; on May 17, 2005 the
PFU’s headquarters were trashed and al
Shoura’s computers stolen. On July 11 2005, the PFU building (and thus the
party) was taken over by its guards. Then the clone party began to issue a
clone al Shoura newspaper that was favorable to the regime. The clone Al Shoura
newspaper was printed on the al Thorah government printing press.
Putting
aside all current considerations entirely, there is no dispute that a decade
ago the Saleh regime launched a campaign of mass arrests, collective punishment
including withholding food and medicine and random bombing of villages in Saada
that was largely invisible but for Karim and a few other courageous souls.
On June 22
2005, Al Khaiwani published a list of children arrested or held as hostages by
the regime in Saada prisons,
Aref Mosa
XXXX 9 years old wounded;
Yahya
Abdulla XXXX 11 years old wounded in his head severely, some parts of his brain
went out by heavy machine gun;
Mohammed
Ahmed XXXX 10 years wounded;
Ahmed Abdul
Rahman al XXXX 11 years wounded by many bullets;
Bader Aldeen
Abdulah XXXX 12 years very ill, Adel Mohammed al XXXX 12 years old
Hussain
Mohammed XXXX, tortured and beating in his feet until losing consciousness.
This happen a day ago.
Yemenis and
the world began to question what was propaganda and what was the reality in
Saada and even in Sanaa.
When he lost
the paper, Karim started the al Shoura website which was an innovative concept
in Yemen at the time. When the site was blocked during the 2006 presidential
election, he opened a new website.
Throughout
the months, scores more journalists were attacked and kidnapped, beaten and
even threatened with beheading, for their investigative reports. In one case in
August, for an article detailing corruption on the granting of college
scholarships prompted a kidnapping. Karim stood at every opportunity through
the years for a variety of causes including the most powerless and voiceless.
In November
2006 Abdulkarim al-Khaiwani, was prohibited from traveling to Morocco for a
human rights conference sponsored by the Red Cross. The National Security Organization, headed by
President Saleh’s nephew, had recently taken control of security at the
airports.
In December
2006, Al Khaiwani and other journalists wrote the UN, “The State hunts us,
abuses our rights and restrict our freedom of expressions,” they said in their
letter. “We were subjected to abduction, forcible disappearance and illegal and
unconstitutional arrests. We are deprived of our livelihood sources because we
criticize corruption and the military regime that has been grasping power for
28 years.”
In February
2007, al Khaiwani was forcibly brought to court on a liable case. Al-Khaiwani
who would have come willingly said, “I wished the court showed a similar zest
in doing justice to Ra’ash villagers.”
Al Shoura
continued to tackle a variety of hot topics, including Saleh regime’s pattern
of sending al Qaeda jihaddists to fight in Saada, a pattern now well documented
but which was at the time a shocking revelation.
When on
February 24, al Shoura.net was blocked by the authorities again, Al Khaiwani
explained that the targeting came because of broaching taboo topics, the most
prominent being the “hereditary rule” in the country, oil corruption and
government officials mingling their official positions with businesses
ventures.
But by this
point, international activists and journalists organizations had come to
understand Yemen through the prism of al
Khawani. Reporters Without Borders (RSF) “ voiced concern about growing
political censorship of the Internet in Yemen after the authorities blocked
access to the opposition website http://www.al-shora.net on 24 February 2007.
The site regularly carries articles about corruption, human rights and the need
for political and cultural reforms.”
IFEX also issued a statement about online censorship in Yemen “to
prevent opposition political currents from disseminating their ideas.” On March 2, 2007, director of The Committee
to Protect Journalists Joel Simon noted,
“(Al Shoura website) popularity
skyrocketed due to its outspoken opinion articles and investigative reports
unveiling corruption at very high levels in the regime, involving both current
and previous officials. Some of al Khaiwani’s most famous articles include,
“The anniversary of the throne” and “Ali Katyusha.”
Then on June
20, 2007 the police in plain clothes raided Abdulkarim al-khaiwani’s home in
the middle of the night, beat him in front of his family, slapped his 7 year
old daughter, arrested him and brought him bruised and bleeding to prison. In a
later interview with Hub, Abdulkarim al-Khaiwani’s little daughter said the
thugs were pounding her dad’s head into the street and he motioned to her to go
back inside the house.
Scores of
Yemeni journalist sat-in before the Penal Court, protesting al-Khaiwani’s
arrest.
That day,
the PFU discharged al Khaiwani as editor of Al-Shoura.net bowing to intense
regime pressure on the party, which failed to issue any statement regarding the
sacking of its long time editor.
While in
custody, al Khaiwani said was questioned about an unpublished article titled,
“The goat that became a pharaoh,” which he had discussed with a colleague on
the phone. The Interior Ministry
prevented any visits from family, colleagues or his lawyer. On June 26 the
initial detention was extended to a month adding to the scores of improprieties
associated with al Khaiwani’s retaliatory arrest, brutal detention and bogus
trial.
Evidence
brought against him was normal journalistic material including notes and photos
relating to the Saada War. However the
motives were clear. Al Khaiwani said that security forces told a member of his
family during the arrest, “’He didn’t respect the president’s pardon.” Shockingly Abdulkarim al Khaiwani was charged
with terrorism, and his case tacked onto to an upcoming trial which including
plotting to poison drinking wells. The charges carried a potential death
penalty.
The
observers inside and outside Yemen immediately howled foul and knew exactly
what the charges were- politically motivated retribution from a psychotic
dictator for articles that exposed the mass failings of a corrupted and
dysfunctional regime. Scores of
organizations, governments and individuals issued protests, appeals and letters
to the Saleh regime on Karim’s behalf.
On July 16,
2007 al Khaiwani’s lawyer resigned from the case in an eloquent letter
explaining, “It has been proved that the function of this court is to convict
people and then others will grant pardon and forgiveness! Your release does not need a defense memo or
a lawyer request, but needs a moment of euphoria by the one who gave the
directions to arrest you…”
The already
popular al Shoura became a household name in Yemen due to the publicity,
backlash and controversy surrounding al Khaiwani’s case. Globally al Khaiwani was a symbol of both
repression and hope.
The trial
began July 4, 2007. On July 18, men with
sticks descended on protesters outside and beat them. To their credit, the protesters mostly
stayed. On July 29, al Khaiwani was granted bail for medical reasons and was
greeted with warm applause arriving at the protest site.
“This
place is real proof that we are, despite of the frustrating environment, are
walking toward the real democracy,” al-Khaiwani said. “The peaceful struggle is
the only way to achieve this.” The site would later become the birthplace of
the 2011 Yemeni revolution.
The next
month, on August 27, 2007 al Khaiwani was kidnapped off the street,
blindfolded, and severely beaten. He recognized one of the kidnappers as a
security officer present at his June arrest.
From his hospital bed, al-Khaiwani said that his kidnappers discussed
whether to cut off his fingers with shears or just break them. After a phone
call to their boss, they opted for the latter and tried to break his fingers.
They
specifically mentioned an article published on August 16 titled “What’s Before
the State: A Homeland Behind Bars.” In
the article, al-Khaiwani described some of the atrocities endured by prisoners
and the conditions in the country’s jails. The men also took his passport,
identity card and cell phone.
The gunmen
threatened to kill al-Khaiwani and his family if he wrote another word that
harmed Yemen’s then President Ali Abdullah Saleh. Two days later al Khaiwani
held a press conference to describe his ordeal and stated, “I personally hold
the president Ali Abdullah Saleh responsible for my life as well as the life of
my family.”
Al-Khaiwani
asked the Interior Ministry to complete their investigations into the incident
and bring the perpetrators to justice. “If the Interior Minister will not bring
the kidnappers to justice, I ask him only to give me back my mobile phone that
the kidnappers stole.”
On September
1, the state responded that the kidnapping was a “fabricated ploy” implying
that Al Khaiwani beat himself bloody to embarrass the authorities.
The US State
Department condemned the attack and called for an investigation, saying, “The
recent abduction of independent Yemeni journalist Abdulkarim Al-Khaiwani points
to a disturbing trend of intimidation and harassment of Yemen’s journalist
community. “
On October
20, 2007 Ali Saleh stuck a deal with al Qaeda operative Jamal al Badawi that
granted him house arrest, despite his conviction in the al Qaeda terror attack
on the USS Cole which carried a ten year sentence. With al-Badawi freed,
al-Khaiwani appeared before the Special Security Court, on trial for his life.
The US suspended Yemen’s qualification to participate in its Millennium
Challenge Threshold fund, designed to encourage respect for fundamental
rights. Dozens of other international
organizations kept up the pressure on the regime to drop the politicized charges
which now included “publishing information liable to undermine army morale”
under article 126 of the criminal code, for which the maximum penalty is death.
In Article
19’s report on Yemen, “Freedom of Expression in Peril”, Al-Khaiwani is quoted
saying, “They mobilize religion, laws and even the tribe against us. We, on the
other hand, only own our dreams. They even want to rob us of this.” But no one
was ever able to rob al Khaiwani’s dreams.
On January
13, 2008, “Al-Qaeda in Yemen” released its first magazine, “The Echoes of
Epics”. The magazine was released to various jihaddi forums by the al-Fajr
Media Center, the official online network responsible for disseminating
messages from various al-Qaeda factions including Usama bin Laden and “The Islamic
State of Iraq.” Those jihaddi forums and their terrorist propaganda are still
accessible on the internet inside Yemen.
What was not
accessible to the Yemeni public is a wide variety of Yemeni news and opinion
sites. These sites were blocked at the outbreak of the northern Sa’ada War in
January 2007, unblocked after several months, re-blocked in July with the
growing civil unrest in Southern Yemen. They were blocked again when Yemen
released convicted USS Cole bomber, Jamal al-Badawi, in October. With
increasing civil unrest in South Yemen and the resumption of the northern
Sa’ada War, many news sites were blocked yet again in January 2008.
Through it
all Karim endured and urged “all who have concerns about freedom of opinion to
not abandon their legal struggle to get more freedom and break through all
restrictions the authorities want to impose on press.”
On April 22
a journalist was jailed (and later tried) for laughing in court at the
absurdity of al Khaiwani’s trial.
By the end
of April the trial had concluded. Articles, statements and letters of support
flooded Yemen including this one on May 5 from former editor, Khaled Salman who
sought asylum abroad after 18 court cases:
“Through
his courageous articles Alkhaiwani has broken the barriers and got rid of fears
of a generation of journalists and political elites. He has had the honor to
lead in challenging the Yemeni tyrannical authority’s prohibitions, which are
against freedom of opinion and civil rights. He wrote without interruption
against corruption, which is overlapped with the governance’s policies and
rulers’ exercises. He has stood against power abuse, looting of public money by
influential bodies, the internal wars and against inheriting the power to the President’s
son.”
Yemeni
activists and human rights groups were joined by messages of support from well
over 1500 persons, groups and officials abroad who sent letters to Yemen on
al-Khaiwani’s behalf. The campaign
garnered regular publicity from major news organizations in North America,
South America and Europe.
On May 21
2008, al Khaiwani responded to his supporters and reminded the world about the
hypocrisy of the Yemen regime:
“I
do not want to talk about myself, but rather the environment that we live in
and suffering we endure from the inconsistency between what the authorities
announce about democracy and freedoms, and what happens when we believe in
those same things, democracy and freedoms…. They deal with us as outlaws. They
use all of the state’s resources to attack anyone who has any opinions not
corresponding with their opinions, and to attack those who even discuss their
way of ruling.
What I am
suffering and facing is part of the price I and many others pay for the
democracy and freedom we hope to achieve in the future. At least we are
preparing for a healthy environment that we want the next generation to live
in. We believe that democracy and freedom have an expensive price, and this is
a part of that price.
However that
doesn’t mean we will keep silent and bend, as it is the price. We will refuse
injustice peacefully. Solidarity is a way to enhance new civil values which
support the democracy we will make with our sacrifice and with the support of
others. We pay the price of the freedom for ourselves and for the generations
after us. Again, thank you very much for your help and support.”
At the same
time, the streets in Yemen were papered with posters of al Khaiwani and
hundreds rallied in Sanaa for this Yemeni editor facing the death penalty for
writing opinions and truths.
On Monday
June 9 2008, al Khaiwani was sentenced to 6 years hard labor.
Speaking to
Amnesty International after the sentence, al-Khaiwani said, “I definitely don’t
want to go to prison again just for doing my job as a journalist, but at the
same time I’m not prepared to censor myself for an easy life.”
A flood of
statements condemned the verdict and called for al Khaiwani’s release. “From
the outset, this case has been about settling scores with a journalist because
of his political news coverage,” said CPJ Mideast Program Coordinator Joel
Campagna. “We hope that the appellate court will overturn this judgment, which
makes a mockery of Yemen’s professed support for democracy and freedom of the
press.”
On June 17,
2008 al Khaiwani won Amnesty International Special Human Rights Media Award, in
his jail cell. His acceptance was
delivered by a spokesman,
“The
freedom of the press has faced an increasingly deteriorating situation
recently, because of the authorities’ insistence on keeping national and
international public opinion in the dark about serious crises, like the war
that broke out four years ago in Sa’da, (north of Yemen) and the resulting
tragic humanitarian situation, the citizens’ peaceful protests in the southern
and eastern governorates against marginalization (exclusion) and denial of
political, civil and economic rights.
The
independent and opposition press, one of the most important instruments of
peaceful change and democratic reform, is operating in a tough and precarious
environment, especially in the absence of independent judiciary, disrespect for
the rule of law, widespread institutional corruption and the government’s
monopoly over broadcast media. The authorities have developed repressive
methods against journalists, those who hold anti-government views and human
rights activists. These methods range from prison, torture, death threats to
the use of subservient newspapers that are supported by public funds to
discredit human rights defenders and government’s opponents, especially
independent women journalists and human rights activists.
Those who
believe in liberty, justice, equality and democracy realize that the embodiment
of such human values requires sacrifice, patience and hope, as well as a belief
that they are not alone in this confrontation. This award is strong evidence to
this effect.
Repeating my
pride in this award with its noble humanitarian and human rights significance,
I would like to assure you in this regard that I consider it an honor well
deserved by everyone who stood by my side against repression, intimidation and
the culture of hatred and intolerance, namely my dear and persevering wife and
beloved children.”
On July 2,
2008 The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) and Arab journalists
meeting in Bahrain announced the formation of another global campaign for
Yemeni journalist Abdulkarim Al Khaiwani.
Even in what
must have been an exceedingly dark time after the verdict, al Khaiwani managed
to retain his hope and belief that his sacrifice would indeed bring about a
better world and more functional government to Yemen. Many of these concepts
were illuminated in an interview with al Arab:
AL-ARAB: How
does your 2004 prison experience compare to 2008? Any differences?
ABDULKARIM
AL-KHAIWANI: The prison does not differ much. It is harsher now, not because of
the abuse I suffer as a result of the diabetes, but because everything in the
country has deteriorated. Why should prison be any better? It has been
deteriorating as well, and the rule of law that is missing on the outside is
missing even more inside the prison.
I will pay
for what I am saying when [this] is published. This last experience has been
much worse; it is an intentionally slow murder process.
AL-ARAB:
When you were editor-in-chief of Al-Shoura newspaper you published reports that
some thought were risky and dangerous, like talking about inheriting power in
Yemen. What were the actual results of publishing them?
ABDULKARIM
AL-KHAIWANI: Issues of power succession, corruption, oil, rights violations,
the war in Sa’da… these were all issues being discussed within the larger issue
of how does the ruler rule. We wanted to diagnose the disruptions, as an
introduction to demanding reforms, and showing their necessity.
But the
whole thing was turned into the question of WHO rules, rather than, HOW he
rules, and it was perceived as a personal issue. I’m in prison for the third
time because of this now.
Now the law
is being tampered with in order to protect and make holy all officials, as if
they make no mistakes, placing them above all accountability. Criticizing a
public servant for his performance is punishable by 15 years in prison.
In the past,
we were somewhat allowed to discuss corruption without naming the corrupt, and
when the media started pointing out the corrupt, they started a discussion in
the parliament to place officials beyond questioning and accountability, and
punishment also.
AL-ARAB:
Let’s suppose your children, Ayat, Majd Eddine, and Mohammad, appear suddenly
in front of you, visiting you in jail, what would you say to them, from behind
the bars?
ABDULKARIM
AL-KHAIWANI: I don’t like my children to see me behind bars, for the sake of
their well-being. Still, sometimes I am forced to see them. I have tried, as
part of a preparation process, to teach them these lines by a Palestinian poet:
If prison
cells were strictly for thieves,
the cells
would have long self-destructed.
But they
retains a hope of one day receiving a free man,
so that with
honor it would be filled.
AL-ARAB: Any
last words?
ABDULKARIM
AL-KHAIWANI: How ugly life can be when the adversary and the judge are the same
person, and how ugly the homeland becomes when rulers hold a grudge in the Arab
world. How ugly deception, lies, impotence, failure and hypocrisy are when they
become the size of a state.
Injustice
could last for a while, but it will end sometime, and if we do not sacrifice,
then we are hypocrites. Change requires sacrifice!
Let us teach
people sacrifice, if we find no other way to express ourselves, and let our
death be a mark of shame in the life of the oppressors, as our lives were
thorns in the eyes of darkness.”
On September
14 2008, the President of the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) Jim
Boumelha was denied an entry visa to visit Yemen. He had been planning the
present the Amnesty International Award to al Khaiwani.
On September
25, 2008 President Saleh pardoned Abdulkarim al Khaiwani who returned home to
his family. Authorities did not ask for
a written pledge but asked him to commit to law and constitution. “I have
assured them that I was always committed to law and constitution”, said
al-Khaiwani.
After
leaving prison, al-Khaiwani said his release was “a victory for all Yemeni
journalist and civil society organizations and human rights advocates.”
As always,
Al-Khaiwani expressed his deep gratitude to his colleagues, journalists and
rights activists. “I am proud to belong to journalists who can defend
democracy. We are responsible for securing a better future for our children. I
am just a man who sticks to his views and believes in power of his words and
nonviolent actions.”
He vowed to
keep writing and said, “The days I spent in jail encouraged me to continue my
human rights activities, as well as to write about discrepancies and violations
practiced by the judicial system.”
The journalist
continued, “In general, the status of press freedoms in Yemen has deteriorated.
Yemen has proven to be an unsafe environment for a media career, but journalism
remains the most effective tool to help Yemen develop. Therefore, we expend
serious efforts to update and develop the media status in Yemen.”
Activist
Nasser Weddaddy asked the question on everyone’s mind: What are you fighting
for? Why don’t you give up?
“By
submitting to corruption, you may be guaranteed to live longer – but this will
be a useless and meaningless life. We are responsible for securing a better
future for our children. I am just a man who sticks to his views and believes
in power of his words and nonviolent actions. Fighting against tyranny and
corruption – and securing peaceful transitions of political power – are at the
top of the challenges facing in the region. These problems are the result of
social stagnation, ignoring human rights, and suppressing civil freedoms.”
Later in
December 2008, al Khaiwani reiterated his determination that battling
government repression is a sacrifice that journalists have to make for freedom.
“Yes, the price is high… but it is not too high for a person who believes in
change and equality… There is no value for life without sacrifice.”
In January
2009, the Supreme Security Court upheld the guilty verdicts against all the
defendants in the trial, including al Khaiwani who was convicted of undermining
the morale of the military and had served eight months of the six year term before he was pardoned.
On March
15th, President Saleh reaffirmed his pardon or perhaps pardoned him again.
On March
18th, IFJ President, Jim Boumelha, was finally able to visit Yemen Abdul Karim
Al Khaiwani with Amnesty International’s Special Award for Human Rights
Journalism under Threat. In delivering the award during the 4th congress of the
Yemeni Journalists Syndicate in Sana’a, Mr. Boumelha praised the bravery and resilience
that Al Khaiwani has shown during his long ordeal.
“Abdul
Karim is a very special journalist.” He said. “He is one of those rare breeds
of journalists, some of the bravest and the most determined – those who are
prepared to sacrifice their personal and professional lives for the public good
and to put their future and even the future of their families and children at
risk in order to ensure that our profession remains one of the strongest
backbones of our democracies.”
At the Oslo
Freedom Forum in May 2010, al Khaiwani closed his remarks by saying, “I have
made it a tradition to write an article entitled ‘We Shall Continue’ every time
I leave prison. And I say to you now, ‘We shall continue.’”
On 19
November 2013, Ala’a Al- Khaiwani, Karim’s daughter was run over by a
motorcycle while at University and seriously injured.
The
suspicious accident came at a time when her father Abdulkarim Al-Khaiwani was
still receiving phone threats from local and international numbers. The Gulf
Centre for Human Rights (GCHR) said it believed the on-going threats received
by Abdulkarim Al- Khaiwani and the targeting of his daughter are related to his
legitimate and peaceful work in the field of journalism and human rights in
Yemen, and in particular his work against corruption and the documentation of
gross violations of human rights.
Active
during the 2011-2012 Yemeni revolution, Abdulkarim al Khaiwani later served as
one of 35 delegates for the Houthi movement to the National Dialog Conference
that was held March 18, 2013 to January 24, 2014. Although acting in a
representative capacity, Abdelkarim was personally among the liberal and civil
minded delegates. He served on the transitional justice committee.
There were
disagreements with some colleagues on the best political course following the
Houthis dissolution of Parliament, but as al Khaiwani once said, “Having
different opinions does not mean personal hate, even if opinion means criticism
of some practices, and we have to be clear about these differences.”
Khaiwani
supported the al Houthi constitutional declaration and delivered the nationally
televised opening statement on February 6 2015.
Abdulkarim
al Khaiwani was slain on March 18, 2011, the fourth Anniversary of the massacre
on the Friday of Dignity. He was shot several times by men on a motorcycle
while buying ice cream near his home with one of his children. The senseless
murder thoroughly shocked and saddened the nation and a good portion of the
world. The next day, al Qaeda announced its operatives had perpetrated the
murder, labeling him a Houthi politician.
But those
who knew him and knew of him, knew that al Khaiwani was so much more and that
he had already changed the world.
